FiveThirtyEight
Nate Silver

‘Skinny Repeal’ Would Still Create Big Political Headaches For The GOP (But Probably Not As Many As BCRA)

My colleagues have already shared their thoughts on whether “skinny repeal” would be popular. So let me pass my impressions along also, with the goal of stepping back and casting a slightly wider lens. At various times since Republicans first proposed a health care bill in March, I’ve wondered about the political wisdom of taking such a sweeping approach. The House’s American Health Care Act and the Senate’s Better Care Reconciliation Act would both have made massive cuts to Medicaid and used those cuts, it part, to finance tax cuts that would mostly have helped well-off Americans. And tens of millions of people would have lost insurance coverage. It’s hard to write a popular health care bill; Americans are inherently nervous about changes to the health care system. But AHCA and BCRA almost seemed designed to be as unpopular as possible. As compared to AHCA or BCRA, “skinny repeal” would be narrower and much more targeted — and its primary goal would be repealing the individual mandate, which is pretty unpopular. Republicans probably would have a lot of problems next year when premiums increased as a result of the individual mandate being repealed. But in comparison to AHCA or BCRA — which would also have disrupted the insurance marketplaces — they’d be somewhat more palatable, politically. Here’s the thing, though. Republicans wouldn’t be passing “skinny repeal” in a vacuum. Instead, they’d be passing it after a months-long debate in which many of their members had already voted for the super-unpopular AHCA or BCRA at some point along the way. Meanwhile, the Republican base’s expectations have been raised by the AHCA and BCRA and by years of promises to repeal Obamacare. While some conservatives will give them credit for “repealing Obamacare” by removing the individual mandate, others will feel disappointed — or even betrayed that they left so much of Obamacare intact. So Republicans would wind up with:
  1. A lot of Republicans on record as having voted for AHCA or BCRA.
  2. A substantial likelihood of premium increases that will kick in before the 2018 midterms, and a resulting increase in the uninsured population.
  3. A bill that the GOP base isn’t all that thrilled about.
  4. A public which is broadly confused by the months-long process — with the result of the confusion being that the public tends to read all of the above in an unfavorable light for Republicans.
In exchange, they get:
  1. Trump and congressional leaders claiming some kind of “win” for having “repealed Obamacare.”
  2. Removal of a provision, the individual mandate, that was rather unpopular.
That isn’t a good trade for Republicans. It’s a pretty bad one, in fact, and one which will contribute to the likelihood of Republicans losing seats in Congress next year. It’s still probably better than enacting AHCA or BCRA into law, however, just because those bills are so unpopular and would be even more disruptive to insurance coverage.
Anna Maria Barry-Jester

Over at Kaiser Health News, Julie Appleby has written a very interesting history of previous state attempts at regulations that mirror the “skinny bill.” TL;DR: It didn’t go well.
Aaron Bycoffe

A Conference Committee Could Take A While

If the health care bill ends up in a conference committee between the House and the Senate, it could be a while before a final bill is agreed to by both chambers. Since 1980, reconciliation bills that have passed both chambers and then gone to a conference committee have taken anywhere from three days to 126 days between original passage (the date that the second chamber passed the bill) and final passage.
Reconciliation bills that went to conference committee
FISCAL YEAR ORIGINAL PASSAGE BY BOTH CHAMBERS FINAL PASSAGE BY BOTH CHAMBERS DAYS ELAPSED DAYS ELAPSED
1981 September 17, 1980 December 3, 1980 77
1982 July 13, 1981 July 31, 1981 18
1983 July 23, 1982 August 19, 1982 27
1983 August 11, 1982 August 18, 1982 7
1986 November 14, 1985 March 20, 1986 126
1987 September 25, 1986 October 17, 1986 22
1988 December 11, 1987 December 22, 1987 11
1990 October 13, 1989 November 22, 1989 40
1991 October 19, 1990 October 27, 1990 8
1994 June 25, 1993 August 6, 1993 42
1996 October 28, 1995 November 20, 1995 23
1997 July 23, 1996 August 1, 1996 9
1998 June 25, 1997 July 31, 1997 36
1998 June 27, 1997 July 31, 1997 34
2000 July 30, 1999 August 5, 1999 6
2001 July 18, 2000 July 21, 2000 3
2002 May 23, 2001 May 26, 2001 3
2004 May 15, 2003 May 23, 2003 8
2006 November 18, 2005 February 1, 2006 75
2006 February 2, 2006 May 11, 2006 98
2008 July 20, 2007 September 7, 2007 49
Average 34

Does not include bills that were not agreed to or did not go to conference committee

Sources: Congressional Research Service, Congress.gov


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