FiveThirtyEight
Anna Maria Barry-Jester

On Death Spirals

As we’ve noted at various points today, the GOP is reportedly getting ready to try to pass a “skinny” repeal of Obamacare. At the moment, that would mean effectively ending the individual mandate, in addition to ending the employer mandate and a tax on medical devices. Ending the individual mandate is a complicated matter. It’s one of the least popular aspects of the Affordable Care Act, but it’s also in theory what makes the law work: It requires most people to have insurance, which is supposed to help create a good mix of healthy and sick people in the insurance markets, which should in turn make insurance affordable. The provision has had mixed success. On the one hand, there’s been a serious lack of enrollment among people whose incomes are far above the federal poverty line, which has certainly contributed to higher premiums. On the other hand, the markets have largely stabilized. What that latter point means is that, even though the markets are not working for everyone, they are also not in a death spiral, as the president and Republicans have repeatedly said. That’s because low-income people whose incomes fall just above the poverty line receive significant financial help to buy insurance; whether or not premiums go up, they pay the same amount for insurance, and they have generally stayed enrolled. If you take away the individual mandate, those people will probably stay enrolled, meaning we still wouldn’t see a death spiral (though people currently enrolled on the marketplaces who receive few or no subsidies are likely to be priced out), so long as the Senate also keeps the subsidies that make insurance cheaper. That includes not only subsidies for premiums, but also “cost-sharing reductions” that help pay for co-payments and deductibles. It’s not clear how Congress and Trump will handle those latter payments, which are the subject of a federal court case and have been wrapped up in the repeal battle.
Nate Silver

Paul Is For Skinny Repeal Now And Isn’t Excited About Compromise Later

According to Vox’s Dylan Scott, Rand Paul plans to vote for “skinny repeal” but also says he doesn’t think an American Health Care Act– or Better Care Reconciliation Act-type bill would pass the Senate if it emerges out of a House-Senate conference. Paul himself could have a lot to say about that, given that he, Murkowski and Collins would be enough to sink a conference bill. Paul was one of nine Republican senators to vote against the BCRA last night. All of this is pretty screwy. Senate leadership is selling Republicans on “skinny repeal” not so much on its own terms, but as the only way to keep hope alive for another shot at an AHCA-type bill after the conference. But some members, like Paul, will vote for skinny repeal because they like it on the merits, seemingly hoping the conference will *not* yield an AHCA-type bill.
Aaron Bycoffe

Some Of These ’No’ Votes Come As A Surprise

Based only on Trump’s election margin in each state — the metric we use for calculating our Trump Score — several Republican “no” votes on today’s repeal-and-delay measure were surprising. Based on Trump’s margin and how other senators voted, we would have given Shelley Moore Capito of West Virginia a 96 percent chance of voting for the measure. And Tennessee’s Lamar Alexander would have had an 81 percent chance of voting “yes.” Both of them, along with five other Republicans, voted “no.”
SENATOR STATE VOTE PREDICTED PROBABILITY TRUMP PLUS-MINUS
Capito WV No 95.98% -95.98
Alexander TN No 80.80% -80.80
Murkowski AK No 60.18% -60.18
Portman OH No 45.99% -45.99
McCain AZ No 36.32% -36.32
Heller NV No 25.02% -25.02
Collins ME No 24.09% -24.09
Enzi WY Yes 97.58% +2.42
Barrasso WY Yes 97.58% +2.42
Lankford OK Yes 92.44% +7.56
Inhofe OK Yes 92.44% +7.56
Hoeven ND Yes 91.91% +8.09
Risch ID Yes 88.18% +11.82
Crapo ID Yes 88.18% +11.82
Paul KY Yes 85.97% +14.03
McConnell KY Yes 85.97% +14.03
Rounds SD Yes 85.91% +14.09
Thune SD Yes 85.91% +14.09
Shelby AL Yes 83.25% +16.75
Strange AL Yes 83.25% +16.75
Cotton AR Yes 82.13% +17.87
Boozman AR Yes 82.13% +17.87
Corker TN Yes 80.80% +19.2
Fischer NE Yes 79.35% +20.65
Sasse NE Yes 79.35% +20.65
Roberts KS Yes 71.80% +28.2
Moran KS Yes 71.80% +28.2
Daines MT Yes 71.47% +28.53
Kennedy LA Yes 70.01% +29.99
Cassidy LA Yes 70.01% +29.99
Young IN Yes 69.11% +30.89
Blunt MO Yes 68.09% +31.91
Lee UT Yes 67.00% +33
Hatch UT Yes 67.00% +33
Cochran MS Yes 66.50% +33.5
Wicker MS Yes 66.50% +33.5
Sullivan AK Yes 60.18% +39.82
Scott SC Yes 59.20% +40.8
Graham SC Yes 59.20% +40.8
Grassley IA Yes 48.75% +51.25
Ernst IA Yes 48.75% +51.25
Cruz TX Yes 47.87% +52.13
Cornyn TX Yes 47.87% +52.13
Isakson GA Yes 39.66% +60.34
Perdue GA Yes 39.66% +60.34
Tillis NC Yes 36.55% +63.45
Burr NC Yes 36.55% +63.45
Flake AZ Yes 36.32% +63.68
Rubio FL Yes 31.65% +68.35
Johnson WI Yes 30.82% +69.18
Toomey PA Yes 30.74% +69.26
Gardner CO Yes 20.92% +79.08

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