Biden Is Projected To Be The President-Elect. Here’s How It All Went Down.

Even if Trump doesn’t win a second term as president, one crucial part of his legacy is already cemented: He reshaped the Supreme Court. In just four years, he’s successfully nominated three justices: Neil Gorsuch, Brett Kavanaugh and Amy Coney Barrett. All three are relatively young and very conservative, and could anchor a conservative majority on the court for years to come.

Barrett’s ascent to the court this fall was one of the speediest Supreme Court confirmations in modern history, and also the closest to an election. We don’t know exactly how conservative she’ll be, but it seems very likely that by replacing the late Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg, who died in September, Barrett’s presence will dramatically shift the court’s center of gravity.

And her swift confirmation could make a difference very soon. That’s especially true if post-election litigation makes it to the Supreme Court. Either way, though, Barrett will be faced almost immediately with a docket of extremely consequential cases — and she and Trump’s other nominees will be shaping law in the U.S. long after this election cycle.

With turnout expected to be high this year, many voters who only vote sporadically are likely to cast a ballot. But in our survey with Ipsos that tried to answer why millions of Americans don’t vote, we found that people who voted only some of the time were most likely to have reported barriers to voting, such as they or someone in their household standing in line for more than an hour to vote. They were also likelier than those who always vote to say they’d faced trouble getting time off work to vote, and that they were told their name wasn’t on the list of registered voters.

These barriers were also experienced differently by race and age. Black respondents were the likeliest to say they’d had to stand in line for more than an hour, and Hispanic respondents were the likeliest to say they couldn’t get off work to vote or weren’t able to access the polling place. Americans under 35 were also much likelier than older Americans to face structural barriers like these, especially when it came to having trouble getting time off work to vote, missing voter registration deadlines, and not receiving absentee ballots in time.

The word “militia” implies an organized paramilitary group, and in the United States, those groups are usually right-wing. But the groups the term is applied to aren’t as cohesive as the word implies — they’re often wildly disorganized, predominantly online communities of individuals whose ideologies may not align beyond a general pro-gun stance and a sense that only they can save America.

That matters on Election Day because experts in these groups told me that voter intimidation and violence at the polls is far more likely to come in the form of scattered lone-wolf incidents than any kind of widespread, organized assault by a named militia group like the Proud Boys.

In some ways, this is good news: It means most Americans don’t need to fear voting, and if there is violence in one place, it’s unlikely to indicate a larger trend. But it also means that dealing with these threats is trickier than it might be if there were organized groups to track. Some states are more at risk than others — take Michigan, for example, where a small group of unaffiliated paramilitians has been charged with planning to kidnap the state’s governor. And there’s been a shift in recent years as these people, long associated with anti-government ideologies, have aligned themselves with Trump as the leader of both the government and the anti-government. Policing these groups is also complicated by the fact that there’s often overlap between these online communities and law enforcement. The reality is that, in a violent incident, Americans may be relying on protection from people who personally know the instigators.